Know Your Labor Leaders: Martin Irons
April 10, 2009 at 5:05 pm | Posted in Historical, Labor | Leave a commentTags: American labor movement, Eugene Debs, history, Jay Gould, market manipulation, market speculation, Martin Irons, railroads
It was in 1886 that Martin Irons, as chairman of the executive board of the Knights of Labor of the Gould southwest railway system, defied capitalist tyranny, and from that hour he was doomed. All the powers of capitalism combined to crush him, and when at last he succumbed to overwhelming odds, he was hounded from place to place until he was ragged and foot-sore and the pangs of hunger gnawed at his vitals.
Train magnate Jay Gould made himself famous for all American labor historians by saying, “I can hire half the working class to kill the other half.”
He proved his malicious intent by hiring gunmen to murder railroad workers during the Great Southwest Railroad Strike of 1886. The original call for the strike occurred in Sherman, Texas at a Knights of Labor meeting. Gould had been defeated by the union in 1885, but he triumphed in 1886.
Both strikes were led by Texas labor hero Martin Irons. After the big defeat, Irons was blacklisted from his trade as a railroad machinist.
The differences that have arisen between Jay Gould and the men who control the East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia Railroad system have given rice [sic] to negotiations which, it is thought, will soon put Mr. Gould in control of the Louisville and Nashville Road and the Central Railroad of Georgia.
The central figure in the great railroad strike on the Gould Southwestern system was Martin Irons. To those who know anything of the man this circumstance proves conclusively that the strike was not inaugurated at the request of the best element in the Knights of Labor of the Southwest, but at the demand of the worst characters in the order.
Martin Irons, the leader of the Knights of Labor strike on the Missouri Pacific Railroad last Spring, was arrested in Kansas City last night, and will be brought to this city [St. Louis, MO] to answer to the charge found against him in the indictment for complicity in tapping the private telegraph wires running into Vice-President Hozie’s residence.
The story of the Great Southwest strike, a textbook example of the upheavals of 1886, has long been told as an epic battle between railway millionaire Jay Gould, national Knights of Labor head Terence Powderly, and Martin Irons, with many historians and contemporaries casting strike leader Irons as the epitome of impatient, romantic, and even deluded labor activism. District Assembly 101’s call to walk out on Gould’s southwestern system of roads was, arguably, strategically ill-advised. It vastly overestimated the Knights’ power in the wake of two victories against Gould in 1885 and certainly ignored the district’s lack of funds, lax support among skilled trainmen, and the terms of an historic agreement between the national Knights and Gould. A closer look at Irons’s life and leadership, however, reveals a more complicated explanation of the strike and takes into fuller account the experiences and perceptions of striking railroaders. This essay holds that events on the ground, combined with the heady context of the Great Upheaval, influenced Irons and his supporters’ decisions to strike, to expand the effort, and to defend it with violence. The ensuing attacks on Irons stemmed partly from his unstable personal history but largely from the broader social anxieties that the conflict had exposed.
— “Blaming Martin Irons: Leadership and Popular Protest in the 1886 Southwest Strike,” an essay by Theresa A. Case, Journal Of The Gilded Age And Progressive Era, Volume 8, Number 1, January 2009
“Failure of the Great Southwest Strike represented the first major defeat sustained by the Knights of Labor and proved to be a fatal blow to their vision of an industrial union that would unite all railroad workers in the Southwest into ‘one big union.’ Once again, an emerging labor organization was crushed when competing with powerful, determined and well-organized industrialists in command of nationally based corporations,” Allen concludes.
Martin Irons was blacklisted and could not hold a regular job. He moved to St. Louis, Little Rock, Ark., and Fort Worth for brief periods, sometimes using an assumed name.
In 1894, his health was failing; G.B. Harris of Bruceville, a democratic socialist, offered him a home. Allen reports that he continued to work for social reform until his death in 1900.— Molly Ivins, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, 2000
The Missouri State Federation of Labor gathered funds for a monument to mark the grave. In 1911, with the Texas State Federation of Labor officially in attendance, the monument was unveiled.
The Texas State Historical Association has much interesting information about the Texas State Federation of Labor.
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